1.1.1. A „Duplex“ cikkek

1.

August 27th, 1859
TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES

Sir, - It is an avowed fact that we Hungarians as a body - that is to say, not the nobles alone, but the whole Hungarian people - not having too extravagant expectations of happiness, enjoyed many years of real content, in spite of our union with Austria, it being one of those alliances where the contracting parties are of diametrically opposing characters. Speak of the days gone by to the highest nobleman in Hungary as to the lowest beggar, and you will be answered by bitter regrets. We were well aware that this placid and painless state could not be of long duration, but that sooner or later a rupture, or an assimilation, must unquestionably take place.
One would suppose that in the long run free and well matured institutions would gain the mastery over a ruinously dear and completely paralysed absolute system, and it is certain that previous to the catastrophe brought on by the years 1847-8, involving universal ruin, some valuable, though slow progress in this direction had been made, though to some of our more impetuous countrymen almost imperceptible. But this could not be otherwise when our hands were so full; when it required all our prudence and circumspection to defend our constitutional position against both the open and clandestine aggressions of the Austrian Government - and a struggle between absolutism and free institutions is in general very problematical, and even desperate, as those who hold the power find it much more convenient, and to their taste, simply to command than to undertake the necessary investigation, in order to become acquainted with constitutional systems, and convinced of their superiority. And if this should be true in general, how much more is it the case in a struggle between the Austrian and Hungarian systems, where the most absolute dynasty, strengthened by priestcraft, is at the head of one of the contending parties?
Situated as we are, between Austria, Poland, and Turkey - our country open and exposed as a sea - we kept through centuries our constitutional galley afloat, constantly weathering violent gales, and steering between rocks and shoals.
This fact will, I believe, insure to us true sympathy and esteem from all honest and highminded individuals who know what the blessing of liberty is, and appreciate and love it above all things - who wish without narrow-mindedness that it should be possessed not by themselves alone, but by all mankind.
Whether it should ascribed to good fortune, or to our perseverance and dauntless spirit that the galley of our constitution has not in our desperate situation been a thousand times submerged need not now be determined. It must be acknowledged to approach a miracle that we Hungarians should not only have retained our life as a nation during so many centuries, but that it should have been rather fortified and renewed by all the sufferings and shipwrecks we were condemned to undergo, until, in the years 1847-8, we were completely swamped.
The question that concerns us at this moment is, as I believe, to ascertain whether, after this last terrible catastrophe, we still possess sufficient vitality to have a well-grounded claim to live as a nation; or, if we are indeed really exhausted, whether it would not be more prudent to bid farewell to idle dreams and illusions - to resign ourselves to amalgamation with other nationalities, and so to enjoy as well as we may God's precious gift of existence.
It is the opinion of many that Hungary can never recover from the blow which so crushed her in 1847-8, and this opinion is grounded on the undeniable fact that our melancholy fate is in a great measure to be ascribed to the childish imbecility of that part of our nation who, wanting the real "justum ac tenacem," qualification and nerve, could be dazzled by phantasmagorical shows and immense outlays, and easily persuaded into the hallucination of sailing with every inch of canvas spread during the hurricane of 1847-8, which drove them on shoals and rocks straight ahead to find, as they imagined, a glorious end; but, to the best of our belief, one clearly foreseen and well merited; whereat the philosopher versed in the mysteries of causes and effects can hardly help exclaiming, "O vanitas!"
The self-inflicted wounds of a people are by far the most dangerous ones - indeed, often incurable; whereas those caused by foreign blows are (as is testified by history) not only without detriment in many cases, but may sometimes lead to the resurrection of nations, causing a general development of latent powers and slumbering spirits. There are patriots, with not much, perhaps nothing to lose, who, pretending to be devoted to their fatherland, while their only love is that of self, are ready to form a stepping-stone to their glory and earthly immortality of millions of bleeding corpses.
These have in all times done endless wrong. Nothing so sacred but that they will not at least succeed in desecrating it by the restlessness which becomes a curse. They provoke resistance, hurting the feelings, and jarring on the judgment of all who hate conviction by force, whether from above of below.
To give a fresh and striking example, demonstrating the truth of this - viz., that political paladins or hyperbolists do not in general serve the cause of social liberty, but, on the contrary, crystallize the despotism of the few - if we analyse the cause of so sudden and intimate a friendship between the Emperors of Austria and France we shall find that in the motives which brought the two enemies together in so unforeseen a manner no ingredients were of greater weight than the tendencies of Mazzini, Kossuth, and Co., which tendencies, should they spread, will soon make the Emperor of Russia one in the Villafranca peace party, then the King of Prussia, and, at last, perhaps even the Queen of glorious England. Because the school of liberty, equality, and fraternity, in the sense in which thousands of the most degraded adepts of revolution take these high and sacred words, will transform the most liberal individuals into downright despots, and a man of sense, if driven into the dilemma of having no other choice, will, as I believe, assuredly prefer to live under a Nero rather than the bloody sway of a Spartacus.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant,
Pesth, August.                                                                                                                                                                                                                           DUPLEX.

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2.

September 17th, 1859
TO THE EDITOR OF THE TIMES

Sir - you kindly permitted me on a former occasion (under the sobriquet of "Duplex", showing my mingled origin) to communicate to you various facts concerning Hungary - most imperfect as such an attempt on my part must be, from the difficulties I have to encounter in writing English; and yet I cannot express myself as effectually in any other tongue, except my own, which is little known and appreciated in the world.
There are unfortunate beings whose only consolation is found in giving some expression to their sufferings in the ear of those who they believe have hearts capable of sympathy and pity; and these feelings have been shown in a very great degree to the unhappy Hungarians by the noble people of Great Britain, who in their own blessed land of freedom can feel for those who were once free, but are now galled by an iron yoke of oppression.
Do not think that my only aim in writing is to excite your compassion, and that of the English people by vain lamentations. The motto “Souffrir et se taire” has been hitherto too well impressed on Hungarian hearts. It has been our task to conceal with an impassive face the feelings which consumed us; to smile on our executioners, hating them the while with a deadly hatred. Hence, by the way, arises the creed held by most of our small and great despots, that we are gradually subsiding into perfect content, and that time will do the rest. There are very few in our nation destitute of some moral strength and command over self, and these few pass for being the incorrigible minority of a revolutionary party, deserving little or no attention. Time, however, will not serve our tyrants, as they are shortsighted enough to imagine, but us.
A nation faithful to itself, enduring to the end, must at last see so heartless and imbecile a system as that of Austria crumble in the dust. We are on the verge of a struggle to death that may be written in letters of blood on the pages of history. It will be a conflict between darkness and light, slavery and freedom, misery, deep and crushing, and the highest happiness. The friends of social and material improvement look to England with warm admiration and sympathy, but not without great anxiety. It is on British soil alone that a poor exile can escape the grasp of incensed tyranny - that personal liberty and power of speech are inviolate. From the land of the “Britons, who never will be slaves,” as from a focus concentrating the rays of the sun, the light of freedom and happiness will sometimes flash on less favoured nations. England may be in peril of invasion, but of conquest never. Our firm belief of this is grounded on the clear-sightedness of the English people, and their greatness in giving publicity to their uneasiness; and this way that they have of looking a danger straight in the face is to us a guarantee of the triumph of Great Britain over all her open and secret foes.

I am, Sir, your obedient servant
Pesth
DUPLEX